Human Rights and Humanitarian Follow-up Committee (Syria)
Who sows hatred, reaps mass murder
Genocide on the Syrian coast - Preliminary report 23-03-2025
Executive Summary:
Following the announcement of a general mobilization of the army and security forces, allegedly to pursue "remnants of the regime," issued by the interim president, and the calls for "jihad" issued from numerous mosques, the mobilization of numerous armed factions affiliated and not affiliated with the new military administration and their haphazard response to the call, they headed to various areas of the Syrian coast and raided numerous villages and residential neighborhoods, predominantly Alawite. In the first three days, 25 massacres were committed, which were documented. 811 videos were also documented, and the names of 2,246 victims were verified, most of them young, but also included a proportion of the elderly, children, and women, based on their affiliation with the Alawite sect. 42 victims from other sects were documented due to their sympathy and attempts to conceal civilians.
The region is on the brink of an unprecedented humanitarian catastrophe due to poverty (which has exceeded 97% of the population), unlawful arrests and enforced disappearances (more than 10,000 documented cases), the dismissal of state employees from various sectors (military and civilian), and the dismissal of 2,014 people from the health and education sectors. Encroachment on private property, the spread of hate speech and sectarian incitement, and an escalation of fear and terror throughout the stricken Syrian coastal region.
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Introduction
A report by the "Syrian Network for Human Rights", issued a decade ago, stated: "Sectarian exploitation of historical grievances in all their forms and providing various forms of material and moral support, have these militias behave as brutal inhumane mechanisms devoid of any national, religious, or moral deterrent. They relish in dismembering their victims, even if they are children, and even boast about this by publishing photos and videos that have nothing to do with humanity."1 Today, in the euphoria of the military “victory” achieved by these militias, we observe how these “brutal mechanisms” are transforming from the literal production of hatred in the areas they control in northwest Syria to their widespread production across the Syrian territory. We also witness the silence or Arab and international complicity with the “declared intention” of senior officials in the new caretaker government in Damascus, HTS sharia leaders, and some of the mosques they control, to sectarianly cleanse the Levant of the Alawite sect and stray sects.
The Syrian people have not been freed from fifty years of military-security dictatorship with the escape of its president, and the enjoyment of human rights remains seriously undermined. It is true that the responsibility of the new authorities for the deteriorating humanitarian situation extended only to the Emirate of Idlib before December 8th 2024, that the phenomenon of insecurity and lack of safety predated the fall of the former regime; however, the presence of more than 80 percent of Syrians living below the poverty line was the single most common denominator among Syrians across the country. This tragic living situation, shared by all segments of the country's population and regions, was the one that should have constituted a common starting point for all segments of society and forces for reconstruction, the return of the displaced, and the collective action for a free country, equal citizenship, comprehensive transitional justice, and lasting social peace. Yet, the main affliction has been the control of the most extremist, hateful, and sectarian militias over decision-making centers.
1 "Societal Holocaust: The Most Prominent Massacres Featuring Patterns of Sectarian or Ethnic Violations in Syria," June 13, 2015. This report's recommendations to the Security Council include: "Assisting Syrian society in ridding itself of extremist organizations and all factions that commit violations against it."
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Among the various factions, Hay'at Tahrir al-Sham (HTS), has the bloodiest history. It succeeded in controlling Idlib through military and security force, and established a system of complete dominance over people’s behavior and way of life in the smallest details. It applied corporal punishment and torture on a wide scale, and was the reason for the displacement and asylum of more than half of the population of Idlib Governorate. Additionally, HTS replaced these people with non-Syrian Jihadists factions operating under its authority and command2.
The Original Crime
There is no doubt that the deformed embryo known as "Jabhat al-Nusra" carries within its structure, ideology, and practices this original hatred complex: all jihadist schools teach children Abu Musab al-Suri's book: "The Sunnis of the Levant Confronting the Nusayris, the Crusaders, and the Jews." The schools reproduce chapters from Omar Abdel Hakim’s book: “Putting the word ‘democratic’ next to ‘Muslim’ is like putting the word ‘halal’ on a bottle of wine,”3 leading to the statement: “We declare openly that democracy is blasphemy and polytheism… Those who believe in it are infidel atheists or apostates who are heretics.” Since his arrival in northern Syria, Abu Abdullah al-Muhajir (AKA the Egyptian Abd al- Rahman al-Ali) has been supervising the education of mujahideen. We read in his book “Questions in the Jurisprudence of Jihad” what we do not find in Hitler’s book “Mein Kampf”: “The scholars of Islam have agreed unanimously on the permissibility of destroying and killing livestock during combat,”4 and “the legitimacy of cutting off and beheading infidel, belligerent warriors, whether they are alive or dead,”5 recalling, on occasion or without occasion, Ibn Taymiyyah’s fatwa on apostate sects: “Those must be killed inevitably6, as well as the permissibility of burning and drowning,”7 “O people of Quraysh, by the One in Whose hand is
2 - In addition to the non-Syrian component that consitutes third of HTS, we find: - The Sunni Muhajireen Movement in Iran (Iran) - The Caucasus Brigade (Russia) - The Uzbek Brigade (Uzbekistan) - The Turkestan Islamic Party (China) - The Moroccan Battalion (Morocco) - The Tajik Group (Tajikistan) - The Albanian Group (Albania) - The Strangers Brigade (different nationalities) - The Baloch Group (Pakistan) - The Utbah ibn Farqad Azerbaijani Group (Azerbaijan) - The Abu Yaqub al-Turki Battalion (Turkey) - The Uyghur Battalion
3 Omar Abdel Hakim (Abu Musab al-Suri), a chapter from the book The Call for Global Islamic Resistance, originally: p. 1035.
4 Abu Abdullah Al-Muhajir, Issues in the Jurisprudence of Jihad, p. 236
5 Same source p. 277
6 Same source p. 267
7 Same source p. 172
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Muhammad’s soul: I have not been sent to you except to slaughter.”8 … leading to the culmination of his destructive enthusiasm by saying: “Thus, it is established with us that acts of sabotage against the lands, properties, and facilities of the enemy are absolutely permissible, against everything that the blessed hands of the Mujahideen can reach in order to suppress, subjugate, and enrage the enemies of Allah wherever they may be, and cause regret to consume their hearts as they see destruction and devastation consume their lands, properties, facilities, and other aspects of their worldly life that Allah has bestowed upon them” (p. 234). Adding on to all this: “It is clearly established with us: The legitimacy of shooting and killing the belligerent infidels and fighting them by any means that achieves the purpose of raising the word of Allah and eliminating the infidelity and corruption in the country and over the heads of the people, even if that means is what is known today as “weapons of mass destruction”, such as nuclear, chemical, bacteriological and other weapons."9.
This takfiri teacher was not in the ranks of ISIS, but rather taught the three Ts (prohibition, excommunication, and explosion)10 in camps in northwestern Syria, under the auspices of Jabhat al-Nusra and then Jabhat Tahrir al-Sham11.
Even Syrian Salafi-jihadist organizations are now complaining and suffering from the chaos, indiscriminate killing, and sectarian incitement from which no one has been spared. Ahrar al-Sham leader Khaled Abboud called for a pact and agreement among jihadist factions to moderate their fervor and halt the bloodshed following the influx of foreign fighters into Syrian territory and their illogical and unreasonable behavior. Following repeated crimes, horrific incidents, and internal battles that claimed the lives of thousands of fighters and many times that number of civilians, the leader of Ahrar al-Sham movement, on May 15, 2014, called on all armed factions to sign a "revolutionary code of honor"12 calling for Islamic and moral principles and rules to put an end to what has become a disgrace
8 Same source p. 277
9 The same source, p. 183-184.
10 These three words start with T in Arabic
11 Same source p. 183-184
12 Aleppo Today confirmed that Abu Abdullah al-Mujahid was killed after his car was targeted in the western countryside of Aleppo on the road between Sarmada and Bab al-Hawa near the junction of Batbo village in Aleppo countryside, on November 18, 2016, when the international coalition warplanes targeted his car as one of the sharia leaders of Jabhat Fatah al-Sham (formerly al-Nusra).
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and shame for all. The Islamic Front, the Islamic Union of Ajnad al-Sham, the Mujahideen Army, the Levant Corps, and the Furqan Brigades responded to this charter, which stated13:
The principles and guidelines of revolutionary work are derived from the rulings of our noble religion, far from extremism and fanaticism.
The Syrian armed revolution has a political goal: the overthrow of the regime with all its symbols and pillars, and bringing it to fair trial, without vengeance or retaliation.
The revolution militarily targets the Syrian regime, which has practiced terrorism against our people with its official and unofficial forces, as well as its supporters, such as Iranian mercenaries, Hezbollah, the Abou al-Fadl al-Abbas Brigade, and anyone who attacks our people and declares them apostates, such as ISIS. Military operations are restricted to Syrian territory.
Overthrowing the regime is a collaborative effort among various revolutionary forces. Aware of the regional and international dimensions of the Syrian crisis, we welcome engagement and cooperation with regional and international parties sympathetic to the plight of the Syrian people, as long as it serves the interests of the revolution.
Preserving the unity of Syrian territory and preventing any divisive projects by all available means is a revolutionary principle that is non-negotiable.
Our revolutionary forces rely on Syrian personnel in their military operations and believe that political and military decision-making in the revolution must remain purely Syrian, rejecting any external dependency.
The Syrian people aim to establish a state of justice, law, and freedoms, free from external pressures and dictates.
The Syrian revolution is a revolution of ethics and values, seeking to achieve freedom, justice, and security for the Syrian society in its diverse social fabric, encompassing all ethnic and sectarian groups.
The Syrian revolution is committed to respecting human rights as encouraged by our noble religion.
We reject the regime’s policy of targeting civilians with various weapons, including chemical weapons, and affirm our commitment to keeping civilians out of the conflict. We do not possess or use weapons of mass destruction.
13 In the book "Jabhat al-Nusra" there is the full text of the Revolutionary Honor Charter and Jabhat al- Nusra's full response to it, pp. 185 to 194.
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The response to this proposal from the Jabhat Al-Nusra was miserable and despicable. Let us review some of its delirium:
"The statement specifies that the factions signing the charter intend to bring the symbols and criminals of the regime to fair trials, far from vengeance or retaliation. However, this contradicts what Islamic law has decreed: those who have committed severe apostasy (ridda mughalladha) have no right to anything but the sword in Islam. The tyrants of the regime, along with its symbols and pillars, are among those guilty of severe apostasy, and Sharia's mandates their execution if they are captured.
"On the day of the conquest of Mecca, the Messenger of Allah (peace be upon him) granted safety to the people except for four men and two women. He said: 'Kill them even if you find them clinging to the coverings of the Kaaba."
Furthermore, it is within our sacred law to seek rightful vengeance against this criminal regime. Thus, there exists legitimate and Sharia's-approved vengeance, and failure to avenge the people of Syria is nothing but a betrayal of their trust".
We in Jabhat al-Nusra openly and categorically reject any undermining or concealment of the role of our immigrant brothers in this blessed jihad. They have played a monumental role in supporting the people of Sham, in accordance with Allah's command: We will only repay them with kindness and gratitude, as Allah the Merciful said: "Is the reward for good [anything] but good?" (Surah Rahman, 55:60).
What unites us with the Muslim community is the brotherhood of faith, which transcends all ties of land or nation. Our support for Muslims is based on religion and loyalty to it, not to a homeland or land.
Let it be known to all that the Islamic state we seek is one founded on the basis of religion, faith, and Sharia's above all else, and that loyalty and disavowal are based on this foundation. For us, a Muslim and a disbeliever are not equal, as Allah said:
What harms our immigrant brothers harms us, and what affects them affects us. Whoever mocks or belittles them has mocked or belittled us. So, O immigrants, this is the land of Sham; traverse it freely. The gates of Sham will remain wide open for anyone who wishes to support it and do well for its people."
In all the ideological battles and intra-fighting offenses, we have not read a single review or discussion by Jabhat al-Nusra and Hay'at Tahrir al- Sham.
Jabhat al-Nusra was founded on this original hate speech, and with its arrival in Damascus, despite all the cosmetic makeup, it was not easy to halt the hateful behaviors and grave crimes that shackle its short history— the behaviors that its cadres, masked men and cubs were raised on! Neither the soft talk of Arab and European delegations from Syrian
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immigrants reassures people14, nor the assurances of the foreign minister of the caretaker government as the masked foreigners and Syrians at checkpoints will continue to ask the same racist, sectarian and spiteful question:
-Are you Sunni or Alawite?
It will not be possible to stop these practices, which translate into arbitrary arrests, the occupation of homes, the expulsion of people from their jobs, and the confiscation of their wealth, considering all Alawites as remnants of the former regime, all Shiites as agents of Iran, all Christians as servants of the Crusader West, all Druze as agents of Israel, and finally, after the attack on the town of Al-Sanamayn: all Hawarneh15 are regime remnants, etc.
HTS did not hide the hate speech in its educational curricula and mosques under its control and continued the same approach after assuming power in Damascus. The frequency of sectarian attacks and rhetorical and physical violence escalated through mass layoffs on a sectarian basis— it became clear that the right to life, work, and security is violated on a daily basis by the attacks launched by the new authority and its affiliated militias— as well as acts of revenge killings and reprisals perpetrated by that authority and its affiliated militias against a specific sectarian Syrian group— all on the flimsy pretext that the former regime head biologically belongs to that group. Women, children, and the service, health, education, and scientific sectors have been targeted too. The arguments and justifications offered by the de facto authority include: individual incidents, the exercise of a private right by a citizen who was harmed during the former regime, and reactive behavior...
Sectarian killings, terrorizing the population, threats, and the denigration of the human dignity of that sect, or any party opposing the regime's practices, have become the most prominent feature of human rights
14 Foreign Minister Al-Sheibani revealed his hateful sectarian rhetoric in the European Union when he held the Alawite sect responsible for the killing of one million Syrians. Human rights organizations attribute a quarter of this number to civilian casualties since 2011, a significant portion of whom were victims of terrorist groups, not to mention the victims among minorities. This includes 270 victims of the massacre of Sunnis in which he participated and was subsequently classified as a terrorist.
15 Inhabitants of Horan Region
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violations, particularly the ongoing massacres in the Syrian coastal region, home to a high percentage of Alawites.
The continuation of military operations by the new regime and its affiliated militias, particularly in the Syrian coastal region and some areas of Homs and al-Ghab, has led to sectarian tension and the spread of racism, hatred, and sectarian incitement through the media and social media.
Since the new regime assumed power, it has employed deceitful and deceptive tactics to ensure security and safety for citizens. It pledged to all members of the army and security forces, after their dissolution, that they would not be harmed after they surrendered their weapons, except for those who committed crimes against Syrians. However, these promises evaporated within a week of assuming power.
Arbitrary Detention
The new authority, represented by HTS, detained an unknown number of individuals from the military and security institutions, in addition to many others accused of collaborating with the previous regime. In its first week of taking power, according to our records, it arrested 354 individuals. This authority claimed that these individuals would be subjected to transitional justice for committing widespread violations against Syrian citizens. However, after making pledges and promises to all members of the military and security forces, and requesting them to surrender their weapons and regularize their civil status, this authority arrested an unknown number. Nevertheless, the arrest of 8,276 individuals from the military and security forces, as well as civilian workers employed by these two institutions, were documented. Most of these arrests were carried out on sectarian grounds, and they were not allowed any contact with the outside world, in violation of international standards. These people have been hidden in prisons, and all human rights organizations have been denied access to them. They remain outside the framework of legal protection, and their treatment and conditions are not subject to monitoring by any independent body, whether national or international. The secrecy of their detention allows for the concealment of any other human rights violations to which they are subjected, including torture, killing, or ill-treatment. The new authorities
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also refuse to receive any independent international mission to determine the fate of these detainees16.
Following the fall of the regime, a number of members of the army and security forces, including border guards and regular forces, sought refuge in both the Republic of Iraq and the Lebanese stateــ Subsequent a pledge by the new authorities to protect their lives and regularize their statusــ the majority of them returned to Syria; However, these pledges evaporated immediately after their return, as the new authorities arrested most of those who returned. We documented 3,024 individuals, and their fate remains unknown to the time of writing this report. We call on the Iraqi and Lebanese governments to reveal all the circumstances surrounding their extradition and the pledges made to these two countries, despite the fact that both countries are countries of asylum.
Enforced Disappearances
Reports have emerged of a significant number of arbitrary arrests, particularly in the governorates of Homs and Hama. However, the largest number occurred in the city of Homs. We do not have documentation of these cases, but there is confirmed information about the disappearance of more than 600 people from the city of Homs alone. Due to fear among residents, these names have not been disclosed, and the number of those forcibly disappeared cannot be determined without the new authorities agreeing to receive an independent fact-finding committee to clarify the matter.
Premeditated Killing outside the Legal Framework and Judiciary
Several videos have emerged documenting the widespread direct killing of a number of people in a degrading manner to human dignity, following the new government's assumption of power. The new government claimed that these killings were the result of individual and retaliatory acts, and that it would hold accountable those who committed these shameful acts. We documented 227 cases in several Syrian cities.
Genocide
According to the Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide, ratified by the United Nations General Assembly, and
16 The Human Rights and Humanitarian Follow-up Committee submitted a full list of names to the Independent Commission of Inquiry of the Human Rights Council and to Mr. Geir Pedersen himself.
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the Syrian government in 1951, genocide means any of the following acts committed with intent to destroy, in whole or in part, a national, ethnical, racial or religious group, as such: (a) Killing members of the group; (b) Causing serious bodily or mental harm to members of the group; (c) Deliberately inflicting on the group conditions of life calculated to bring about its physical destruction in whole or in part; (d) Imposing measures intended to prevent births within the group; (e) Forcibly transferring children of the group to another group. In the case of the Syrian coastal region (the Alawite sect), the five aforementioned acts were documented and presented as evidence of genocide against that group. These documentation efforts continue to this day.
The genocide committed by the new authority, represented by HTS and its affiliated militias, shocked the Syrian society and the world with its heinousness and the way it was carried out. It was documented through a large number of videos uploaded online. 811 videos documented the killing, burning of houses, displacement, and looting of all the property of those villages where this genocide was committed, in addition to documenting those villages and the number of victims in each of them; to the moment this report was written, 2246 victims were documented, mostly youth, with a percentage of elderly, children, and women17. Some families from other sects were also killed because they sympathized with the victims or tried to hide them from the sight of these criminals; 42 victims from other sects were documented. Although, there is confirmation from the families that the number is much higher, and unless an independent UN investigation mission arrives, we cannot know the full details of this genocide and the number of victims.
These massacres amount to genocide. In addition to the looting and burning of some villages, the destruction of their property, and the expulsion of the population from their homes, more than twenty thousand citizens have sought refuge in Akkar in Lebanon, the Khmeimim Air Base, and other safer locations nearby. The military aggression on the coast has resulted in the deaths of civilians, damaged vital infrastructure, and left millions unable to obtain the necessities of life. This is not to mention the sectarian tension and terror that prevail today, in addition to the social,
17 This list is non-exhaustive and provisional, and we are still sifting through a list of more than 2,000 people whose fate is still unknown.
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economic, and humanitarian problems that have transformed the region into a disaster area.
Displacement, Seizure of Private Property, and the Dismissal of a Large Number of State Employees
Syria's economic situation was not favorable before the fall of the regime due to rampant corruption within state agencies, in addition to the economic sanctions imposed on the Syrian state. According to a 2024 United Nations report, poverty rates reached 93% of the Syrian population. However, after the fall of the regime and the rise of the new government, the situation worsened, with poverty rates rising to 97% of the Syrian population. This is due to 1) the layoffs of a large number of people from all state institutions and the cutting of their salaries, which included all those belonging to the army and security institutions and other related sectors, 2) the arbitrary dismissal of a large number of workers in other institutions including vital sectors such as health and education. The layoff of more than 2014 people from the health sector alone was documented in Latakia governorate, which led to the suspension of medical services in most state hospitals and other health centers.
The new government also evicted a large number of state employees from their homes and seized them, despite the fact that most of these homes were privately owned.
The economic and social violations committed by the new authorities pose the greatest threat to Syrian society, threatening civil peace due to widespread unemployment, poverty, organized crime, and societal disintegration.
Criminal Responsibility for Those Who Participated in the Genocide
The response of the caretaker government and the interim president to these crimes was excuses more hideous than the guilt. Initially, the officials' response hid behind the claim "conspiracy orchestrated from abroad to destabilize security and order." Although all the voices we heard on the coast, including civil and human rights groups, condemned the cowardly and criminal actions of a small group ostracized by all groups on the Syrian coast, the orders came from the interim president himself for
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general mobilization and deployment to the coastal region to "quell the conspiracy." We obtained the orders that were issued by:
Syrian Military Chief of Staff: Ali Nour al-Din al-Naasan (from the leadership of HTS and al-Nusra)
Syrian Minister of Defense: Murhaf Abu Qasra (from the military and security leadership of HTS)
Director of General Intelligence: Anas Hassan Khattab (from the security leadership of HTS)
We note that their correspondence began with the phrase, "In accordance with the directives of the President of the Republic."
These orders were issued to the following military factions:
The military and security apparatus of HTS (Syrian and foreigners)
The following Syrian factions:
Al-Amshat Division (Syria)
Al-Hamzat Division (Syria)
Ahrar al-Sharqiya Movement (Syria)
Al-Muntasir Billah Division (Syria)
Muhammad al-Fateh Division (Syria)
Sultan Murad Division (Syria)
The following non-Syrian factions were also mobilized:
The Sunni Muhajireen Movement in Iran (Iran)
The Caucasus Brigade (Russia)
The Uzbek Brigade (Uzbekistan)
The Turkestan Islamic Party (China)
The Moroccans Brigade (Morocco)
The Tajik Group (Tajikistan)
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The Albanian Group (Albania)
The Ghuraba Brigade (various nationalities)
The Baloch Group (Pakistan)
The Utbah ibn Farqad Azerbaijani Group (Azerbaijan)
The Abu Yaqub al-Turki Brigade (Turkey)
The Uyghur Brigade
The "Humanitarian Follow-Up and Human Rights Committee" was able to identify the names of the individuals assigned to lead their factions in these mass massacres. Videos have emerged showing foreign and Syrian armed individuals boasting about their role in these massacres, as well as hundreds of documented testimonies from victims.. It also documented hundreds of documented testimonies from victims’ families. After local and international campaigns of protest and condemnation against the massacres perpetrated against our people on the Syrian coast, the interim president was forced to form an independent investigation committee and a civil peace committee. The first deliberate error, was to set the timeframe for the investigations at March 6, 2025 that’s mean before the massacres, the second is not to stipulate the publication of the final report of the investigation committee. Then, the appointment of a group of names who were part of the discourse of sectarian hatred and its promoters, not to mention their lack of experience in investigations and their lack of competence, integrity, expertise, and independence. Therefore, Syrian human rights activists formed field teams to monitor and document, first, and then, to provide whatever relief they could to the victims.. Therefore, Syrian human rights activists formed field teams to monitor and document, first, and then, to provide whatever relief they could to the victims.
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Urgent Conclusions
We call on the UN Secretary-General and the Security Council to respond quickly to the distress call issued by human rights organizations and civil society in Syria, which has been endorsed and signed by tens of thousands of Syrian men and women from all backgrounds and regions:
Declare the Syrian coast and the rural areas of Homs and Hama as humanitarian disaster zones.
Ensure that the United Nations implements a sustained, large- scale humanitarian intervention in these areas.
Ensure that the United Nations intervention includes protection measures, reconstruction, rehabilitation, and long-term support programs.
Coordinate with civil society and involve local associations in the affected areas to work together, unify efforts, and pool resources for a coordinated and comprehensive response, as local entities are trusted and known to the affected populations and victims' families.
Establish community committees in affected villages and areas, composed of trusted local figures, to assist in monitoring, assessment, response, and oversight.
Dispatch an independent international investigation committee to investigate all violations that have occurred in the affected areas.
Send international monitoring committees to prevent further violations and halt the shedding of Syrian blood.
We hope for a prompt response to these legitimate demands to address the catastrophe facing civilians in the Syrian coastal region.
Appendices, Documents, and Testimonies:
The appendices contain hundreds of pages, documentary films, and sworn testimonies, and are available upon request to any independent UN commission of inquiry.
Human Rights and Humanitarian Follow-up Committee (Syria)
The committee was formed on February 16, 2025, with the participation of 13 Syrian human rights NGOs and Syrian civil society organizations inside and outside Syria as a result of an "expanded meeting of Syrian civil and political forces and figures." Numerous groups in various Syrian cities joined the committee. The committee monitors violations occurring in Syria, and its scope of work includes social, political, civil, economic, cultural, and environmental rights. The committee has conducted several training courses for its staff, particularly on organizing human rights campaigns, preparing reports, and establishing an independent Syrian transitional justice commission. Its core staff includes about 60 human rights activists working inside and outside Syria. To contact the committee: You can email the committee at:
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